With anti-Semitism reemerging in Europe and rampant in the Islamic world; with Iran acquiring the ultimate weapon of genocide and proclaiming its intention to wipe out the world’s largest Jewish community (Israel); with America and, in particular, its Christian evangelicals the only remaining Gentile constituency anywhere willing to defend that besieged Jewish outpost — is the American heartland really the locus of anti-Semitism? Is this the one place to go to find it? ~Charles Krauthammer
One does get the sense from this column and from the recent column by David Brooks that was filled with his pained agony at Borat’s mocking of evangelical Christians and other would-be “rubes,” whom Brooks has never met in real life, that the professional evangelical and Christian-mockers of the neocon and “moderate Republican” right, such as Krauthammer and Brooks are, are deeply jealous of their territory. Amid his Sinead O’Connor-like cries of “fight the real enemy!” Krauthammer is really saying, “Sacha, go back to Britain and leave the mocking of American Christians and the imputation of evil anti-Semitic motives to conservative Americans to the experts, namely me. This is our job, so let us get on with it. Now you are going to make me write a column where I will have to say nice things about Christians, and this is something I try never to do unless it is absolutely necessary.”
Sacha Baron Cohen has been caught poaching on their turf. Just behind Krauthammer’s laboured defense of philo-Semitic America is his open contempt for that notable cultural sensation and focus of so much American Christian enthusiasm and secular American anti-Christian hate, The Passion of the Christ. If he finds Baron Cohen’s claim about American “indifference” to anti-Semitism ridiculous (and it is fair to say that it is ridiculous), what can one make of his obsessed ranting against The Passion as “Gibson’s blood libel”? If Krauthammer were right about The Passion–that it recycles all the worst anti-Semitic tropes and and was a “singular act of interreligious aggression,” that would mean that tens of millions of Americans, the overwhelming majority of whom were Christians, were indifferent to what Krauthammer regarded as an undoubtedly anti-Semitic film. If Krauthammer were right about The Passion and, by extension, the “indifference” to anti-Semitism supposedly reflected in American Christians’ embrace and defense of the film, it would mean that Baron Cohen has something of a point. In Krauthammer’s eyes, The Passion almost has to be a religious version of “Throw The Jew Down The Well,” but with the added bonus that its creator is not spoofing the anti-Semites but really is one himself. Those whom Krauthammer called the ”local rubes” of Tucson are necessarily multiplied by the millions and make up a large proportion of the country. He really cannot have it both ways. It is this kind of damningly faint praise that Krauthammer and Brooks will offer to Christian conservatives to prove that they, the elite coastal pundits, are really on our side in the final analysis, when, of course, they never have been and would never want to be on our side.
Even if there are more promising targets for ridiculing anti-Semitism elsewhere in the world, Americans make for easy targets (and, if reviews are to be believed, easy marks) because, even when their alleged prejudice or “indifference” to prejudice is pointed out to them all that most Americans will do is laugh at the guy with the funny accent and the chicken in his suitcase. It isn’t that Krauthammer’s “rubes” don’t get that they’re being mocked–they don’t care. In some ways the mockery is so old that it probably hasn’t got as much punch as it might have had once upon a time; in other ways, it really is so misplaced that it cannot offend and so lacks the power that kernels of truth bring to all good comedy. There is nothing very offensive about someone mocking Americans for their anti-Semitism or other prejudices, because we have been conditioned with a fear and loathing of these things to such a degree that the accusation is more tiresome than inflammatory. For a joke to really be over-the-top and full of biting satire, it would have to refer to something that the audience genuinely can recognise in themselves. There is hardly anyone in America, except those whom I will mention again in a moment, who has seen clips from previous Borat acts and still manages to believe that the scenes are the spontaneous “revelations” Baron Cohen would like to have us believe they are.
Besides, mocking non-Americans for perceived or real anti-Semitism has its problems. Some of these other people have an unfortunate habit of attacking and killing their critics, which makes jokes at the expense of Muslim anti-Semitism a bit more risky, and most Europeans are likely to be incandescently angry at anyone who hints that they are anti-Semitic. Often, when the accusation is delivered in a mocking tone, those who feel burdened by a history of this attitude will respond sharply and those who genuinely possess this attitude will react violently. Meanwhile, most Americans respond to claims of their “indifference” about anti-Semitism with, well, indifference. Krauthammer protests on our behalf, but it seems almost as if he protests too much, as if he needs to convince himself of something he doesn’t really believe at the core of his being. That is, he needs to believe that at least some of us are as philo-Semitic as he says we are. About American philo-Semitism, Krauthammer actually happens to be right (for once). That does make the adventures of Borat a bit less amusing, perhaps, but it also makes people who take Borat so seriously appear rather, well, silly.
But what must be Krauthammer’s own loathing for American Christians cannot but lead him to conclude that Baron Cohen really has revealed something that Krauthammer, through his denunciations of The Passion, has acknowledged without saying as much. Of course, we can be confident in the knowledge that Krauthammer is not right about The Passion. We know this partly because he is right, to some degree, about Borat.
What one does get from all of this hand-wringing about Borat is that a whole lot of people, including the creator of the film, are taking the entire thing way too seriously. My guess is that the people whom Baron Cohen mocks in the film wouldn’t want David Brooks and Charles Krauthammer for their defenders anyway, because these two are in their way no different from the snide elites who look down on most of this country as some benighted, unwashed mass of ignorance and prejudice and who think that Borat is not a comedy but a sociological research project. For these elites, Borat is funny because they think it is true; for everyone else, it is funny because it is hysterically silly, campy and in extremely poor taste. If you can think of a better summation of the makings of the modern American comedy, I would like to know what they are.
These elites, like the Krauthammers of the world, seem to be so unflinchingly humourless that they cannot simply let a very stupid comedy be a very stupid comedy, even when, or perhaps especially when, the comedian wants it to be a Serious Statement About Society. Even supposing all the worst accusations against Gibson were true, the claims about The Passion’s anti-Semitism would still ring false. Even supposing Baron Cohen had deep and serious reasons for making a slapstick comedy film, Borat will never be anything other than a lowbrow collection of over-the-top jokes about the gullible and the trusting.
A smart film critic called Borat Candid Camera on crack, which is about all that it is from what I understand of it (and, no, I have not yet seen it). Borat is simply juvenile and entertaining. Attempts to dig deeper into the “real meaning of Borat“ are the things that deserve the most ridicule of all.
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November 24th, 2006 at 6:06 am
Reader John
I’m new to this blog, for which Mr. CrunchyCon gave thanks yesterday. I’m puzzled by your apparent bugaboo about Charles Krauthammer (multiple negative postings sighted thus far) and, perhaps, David Brooks. I read both commentators eagerly and find neither of them anti-Christian - and I’m pretty sensitive to anti-Christian slurs. Perhaps it will make some sort of sense as I catch on to your overarching political orientation.
For now, suffice that although I did not consider The Passion of the Christ an anti-Semitic film, I see no inconsistency in Krauthammer suspecting it and (presciently) Mel Gibson of anti-Semitism while defending heartland Evangelical Protestants against Borat. It should come as no shock to a thoughtful North American Christian of any tradition that the most conspicuous Evangelicals and fundamentalists have a distinctive philo-Semitic eschatological fixation on Jews and Israel, which historic Christianity lacks, and that western pre-Evangelical Christendom has some dark chapters in the story of its dealings with Jews.
I’m not humorless. I howled at my first exposure to Cohen on YouTube a few months ago, as he humiliated pretentious folk backstage at a fashion show. But then I felt like I needed a shower and a trip to the confessional. In my better moments, I don’t think humiliating people - rubes or flaming fashion mavens - is good humor.
November 24th, 2006 at 1:27 pm
James Kabala
I don’t care for Brooks’s work, but when has he ever said or done anything anti-Christian? Could you provide a specific example, or preferably (since it’s charitable to allow a person one slip) several examples? Holding liberal issues on moral issues, which he does, is wicked and regrettable but not the same as anti-Christian bigotry. It seems undesirable to me for devout Christians to become another paranoid, spotting-outrage-everywhere minority.
November 24th, 2006 at 2:02 pm
Daniel Larison
I should have been more precise in talking about Brooks and Krauthammer together. I was including Brooks as someone who, as an early Weekly Standard writer and an elite Republican pundit, looks down his nose condescendingly at evangelicals and Christian conservatives. This is the sort of contempt for the Christian base of the GOP that people in the upper reaches of the movement and the party have in abundance. But perhaps I should simply have left Brooks out of the discussion. My point in talking about them together was to note that there was something very unconvincing about elite pundits from NYC and Washington coming to the defense of evangelicals whom they would normally not give the time of day.
There are many reasons why I am hostile to Krauthammer (most of them centered on his dangerous foreign policy ideas), but Krauthammer’s anti-Christian bias seems to me to be plain. I think it is made fairly explicit in his criticisms of The Passion. (I don’t think everyone who sees anti-Semitism in that movie is necessarily anti-Christian, and I accept that well-meaning people claim to see such a thing in it, but someone who denounces it with such vehemence certainly seems to me to be leaning in a strongly anti-Christian direction.) This bias is not something that comes up a great deal, because he does not usually write on topics touching on Christians and Christianity, but whenever there are conflicts between Christian and non-Christian peoples in the world, pretty much regardless of what religion the latter follow, he has tended to take the side of the non-Christians. If it were only the case of dismissing the suffering of Lebanese Christians in the recent war with Israel, that would be one thing and entirely predictable given Krauthammer’s commitments. If this were only occasional, I might dismiss it as something random, but in Yugoslavia and the former Soviet Union he has routinely sided with the cause of Muslims against that of Christian peoples and has shown no great outrage, as far as I can recall, at the Islamic terrorism directed against people in Russia, many of them Christians, or in the Balkans. For my part, I do not recall his being terribly broken up over the Muslim destruction and desecration of churches and monasteries in Kosovo at the hands of the KLA, whose bad cause he had supported in 1999. This is not a case, as I see it, of spotting outrage everywhere, but of noticing pointed insults and hostility when I see them.
Some might argue that this is not a function of anti-Christian bias as such, but simply a function of the liberal tendencies of neoconservatism to view Christianity in most places (and especially in Europe) as something to be feared and watched rather than respected, but to me it is very much all of a piece.
November 24th, 2006 at 2:23 pm
James Kabala
Actually, it strikes me that whatever they may believe in private, the neocons and the Weekly Standard have consistently pretended to like evangelicals and Christian conservatives in public, and the Weekly Standard, although including social liberals like Brooks among its writers, has always taken a conservative editorial line on abortion, gay marriage, cloning, etc. It has published Maggie Gallagher and (not a Christian, but surely socially conservative) Leon Kass. Brooks, although hardly ever leaving blue country himself, has been a consistent promoter of the moral superiority of ordinary people in the red states.
I think your desire to make neocons into perfect bogeymen has sometimes led you to ignore what they actually believe or claim to believe.
November 24th, 2006 at 4:16 pm
Daniel Larison
The Weekly Standard has endorsed “culture of life” issues, and they have published Christian conservative writers. But they promote these things out of their own slightly cynical interest in public religion as a force for social cohesion, and not out of any approval of the Christians themselves. On foreign policy questions, neocons generally are even more anti-Christian than Krauthammer; several of the leading neocons are involved in pro-Chechen, anti-Russian activism in the guise of promoting “peace.” The Weekly Standard was one of the main spigots of Serbophobic hatred in the ’90s; the WSJ on the right regularly competed with them in contempt for Balkan Christians, but none could outdo the Standard.
Brooks has been a leading supporter of the moral superiority of a stereotype of red state people whom he has rarely if ever encountered and whom he uses as archetypes of Good Americans that fit certain preconceived ideas about what he thinks of as acceptable kinds of religious, conservative folk in the “flyover” states. Perhaps he believes that these people are morally superior in some respects, but I feel fairly confident that he maintains a pose of defending their reputation as a way of battering other coastal elite pundits and accusing them of prejudice and bigotry against evangelicals; his defense of Krauthammer’s “rubes” is a function of vying for status among other pundits to show that he is truly the most tolerant of all and as a way of pointing out liberal snobbery in which, of course, he does not participate.
If he encountered many of these people in the flesh, I would bet that he could help himself in looking down on them and regarding their beliefs as unsettling and vaguely threatening. David Brooks is the perfect example of the kind of Republican who would, as Tucker Carlson argued was true of many elite Washington Republicans, view evangelical Christians with contempt. These people understand that evangelicals form a major part of their political coalition, and so they are forced to endure them, but I think it is the case that they don’t approve of them and view them as useful but potentially dangerous at the same time.
The neocons aren’t the perfect bogeymen, and I don’t think I’m trying to force them into an ill-fitting box of Christophobia. They are frequently Christophobic, and many of their foreign policy obsessions in Europe and the former USSR show us that they are. They aren’t perfect bogeymen. They just happen to be consistently, astonishingly and painfully wrong about a great many things all at the same time.